Two to one, ball in the center. If the challenge between Italy and France on immigration management were a football match, yesterday would have represented the most classic goal that overturns the match. It was the French president Emmanuel Macron who “scored” a network of anger by leveling the score after the choice of Ocean Viking to turn towards the transalpine ports: the attack on the Italian government and the requests to other European countries to isolate Rome appeared as a disproportionate but potentially lethal gesture of defiance, with a vast internal front of the beautiful country that was already exulting in front of the gored head of the foreign Pope. Then, with some unwanted moves and others sought, the center-right executive managed to get the lead back with a mixture of tactics and technique. First getting the “no” of GermanyLuxembourg and Netherlands to Paris’s request to isolate Rome by breaking agreements on the relocation of refugees. Finally, with the joint note of the representatives of the governments of Italy, Malta, Copro and Greece – the real frontier countries in the fight against illegal immigration and trafficking in human beings – who asked Europe to intervene with a solidarity mechanism real and accusing NGOs of moving beyond the institutional perimeter.
For now, at least until proven otherwise, Macron’s attempt to isolate the government led by Giorgia Meloni at the first diplomatic incident it failed. A failure that indeed, if for Meloni it represents a momentary diplomatic victory, for the head of the Elysée it risks turning into a sensational boomerang. From an internal point of view, he belatedly yielded to the request of the more radical right, however, leaving the ship of discord to land in Toulon. From an international point of view, he has shown that his desire to be leader of the European Union risks turning into an unrealistic dream in the face of a Europe that seems much less willing to support its flows of consciousness.
The only one to have followed the “macronist” script for now – in addition to a part of the Italian opposition known to have at heart the interests of others rather than our own – was the Spain. This choice, however, should not be surprising. Partly because this is a clearly political challenge, posed by those who do not want a conservative executive to set the agenda and “proselytize” elsewhere. This applies to both Macron and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez. In part, the immigration issue is radically different between Madrid and the rest of the Mediterranean chancelleries, since migrants arrive mainly through the territories of Ceuta and Melilla – with Morocco controlling the routes under the agreements with Spain. – and certainly not with a continuous coming and going of barges, small boats and NGO ships.
The diplomatic victory was also underlined by the Foreign Minister, Antonio Tajani, interviewed at Corriere della Sera. “We are by no means isolated – said the head of the Farnesina – Germany and Luxembourg will respect the pacts, as we do. And Greece, Malta and Cyprus are also in solidarity“. Speaking of definitive victory is still difficult. Because relocations must really be implemented and an agreement is needed that is not just a facade: a few dozen people compared to thousands waiting to go to the chosen country is an image that demonstrates weakness. of certain agreements and the ambiguity of some positions taken. But the Italian government can in the meantime say that it has reversed the situation: it is not isolated as the French president wanted his supporters on this side of the Alps. of the whistle that decrees the end of the game (and the beginning of a real European agreement that would be the only real goal of victory).
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The government turns the game around. Macron fails to isolate Italy
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